WATCH DAN CRENSHAW ON DISINCENTIVIZING IMMIGRANT RIOTS

The war on drugs is now a counter-insurgency war. The Mexican cartels no longer resemble their origins as criminal drug traffickers, but that of a terrorist insurgency, and we need a strategy alongside the Mexican government to win this war. 

I call this strategy the North American Security Initiative, and the stakes could not be higher. Tens of thousands of American lives depend on our success, as does the future stability of North America. The United States simply cannot allow Mexico, our neighbor and largest trading partner, to devolve into a failed narco-state. 

Cartels have infiltrated every level of Mexican society, from the private sector to government to pop culture. They use terrorist tactics to suppress dissent and destabilize governments. They have effectively conquered regions of Mexico. They enact insidious propaganda and recruitment strategies, while their paramilitary arms rival the capabilities of the Mexican government. This insurgent-like behavior necessitates a counter-insurgency doctrine.

In 2000, we began “Plan Colombia,” providing Colombians with the resources—military equipment, training, and intelligence—to defeat the enemy within. The results? Massive improvements in Colombia over the past 20 years, going from a near-failed narco-state to the relatively safe and prosperous tourist destination it is today. I can speak from personal experience, having lived in Colombia from 1998-2002 during the height of the guerilla insurgency. But modern Mexico has a far deadlier cartel problem, and their historic reluctance to accept US assistance has allowed the problem to fester. 

So, what does a counter-insurgency doctrine in Mexico look like? Put simply, it requires the integration of military, intelligence, law enforcement, judicial, and diplomatic strategies.

The Mexicans are outgunned, for starters. We (Congress) need to authorize additional Presidential Drawdown Authority to properly arm the Mexican military—Black Hawk helicopters, close air support aircraft, and ISR (Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance) capabilities, to name a few. We must develop a plan to train, at scale, Mexican special forces units and seek permissions from the Mexican government for our Special Forces to operate alongside these units, along with strong oversight to mitigate historic issues of corruption.

But this isn’t solely a military operation. There are critical judicial and law enforcement elements. Unfortunately, the Mexican judicial system is incompetent and often corrupt (though it has improved already under President Sheinbaum). This is where existing programs within Homeland, the DOJ, Treasury, and the FBI must be bolstered—we can offer training for judges, prosecutors, and police officers, as well as provide technical assistance for anti-corruption initiatives. And we must hit the cartels where it hurts the most: their pocketbook. 

Intelligence sharing is currently stronger than many realize and has led to some great success in recent months. Contrary to past Mexican administrations, the Sheinbaum national security team led by Secretary Omar Harfuch (himself a victim of an assassination attempt by the Jalisco cartel) has been relentless in their pursuit of cartel networks.

Fighting an insurgency requires network targeting, which means pursuing middle management as well as the “kingpins.” Sometimes you get more strategic benefit by arresting an irreplaceable money broker than a replaceable cartel boss. My amendment signed into law last year created long overdue changes to FISA collection capabilities, thus enabling new collection against the cartels that are just now coming to fruition. But more intelligence resources on the ground and in the air are needed. 

Fundamentally, counter-insurgency doctrine will mean the US assisting Mexican federal forces inside cartel-held territories with two basic missions: target the cartels and bolster the local and state police that are overwhelmed and outgunned. Are the local authorities often corrupt? Of course. But do they have choice? They live in the reality of “plata o plomo,” translated to “lead or money.” Fighting an insurgency means changing this dynamic. 

Whether we like it or not, we are already engaged in a counter-insurgency war against an increasingly dangerous enemy. And worse, we are currently operating without a coherent strategy.

But the good news is that we finally have an opportunity to change that. President Trump has made it clear this will be a priority. And for the first time in many years, the Mexican government is a willing partner. We must not let this opportunity go to waste.

This oped by Dan Crenshaw originally appeared in Human Events

CLICK HERE TO WATCH DAN CRENSHAW ON THE FIGHT AGAINST THE MEXICAN DRUG CARTELS

Successfully ridding the U.S. of the effects of Mexico’s criminal cartels operating along the southwestern border would be a 20-year ordeal, Rep. Dan Crenshaw, R-Texas, said – but argued Congress could begin having an impact in a matter of weeks to months.

“Look, there’s places we can boost right now to help the administration – the administration is refocusing a lot of efforts, especially in the [Department of Defense (DOD)], on the cartel situation, but there’s no extra money for that. That is something we could produce in reconciliation,” Crenshaw told Fox News Digital.

“I already know what programs need to be boosted, I just need to know the numbers. And that will come from [the Office of Management and Budget] that’ll come from the Department of Homeland Security, it’ll come from the DOD, it’ll come from [Department of Justice]. And so over the next couple of weeks, even while we’re in recess, we’re working on getting those numbers.”

Fox News Digital spoke with Crenshaw days after he was tapped to lead a new task force on combating Mexico’s drug cartels. It’s operating under the House permanent select committee on intelligence, which Crenshaw sits on.

He said it differs from his initiative last year, a similar task force, albeit with few resources to execute his goals, according to the congressman.

“Last year’s cartel task force didn’t have any staff. We were a series of members conducting hearings, investigations,” Crenshaw said. “I think we’re past that stage at the moment. Now, what I lead is really the House’s effort to actually create some legislation to combat the cartels.”

He added that the intelligence panel was “the right place for it” given “a lot of the work we do is classified.” 

“So the goal here is to actually get some outcomes as opposed to continuing more hearings, continuing more investigation. I’ve got a pretty good outline of what needs to happen. We’ve got President Trump in the White House now, who wants to make it happen,” Crenshaw said.

“Another huge difference between now and last year is we have a Mexican administration under President Sheinbaum, who also wants to make it happen and take the fight to the cartels.”

That fight would largely be a two-phase approach, Crenshaw explained. The first would be funding, while the second would entail “additional authorities and laws that need to be changed” to combat what the Texas congressman likened to “a terrorist insurgency” within the U.S.’ close neighbor and trading partner.

“That means boosting up certain funding lines in existing authorities, especially places like the Department of Defense. You know, NORTHCOM owns this area of operation when it comes to Canada, the U.S. and Mexico. They’re going to need extra resources because we’re going to need to do a lot more training on Mexican special forces,” he said.

Crenshaw called for sending military-grade gear to forces at the border, including Blackhawk helicopters, and bolstering reconnaissance and intelligence-gathering efforts.

“Things they really don’t have and that currently cause them to be outgunned by these pretty massive militias that have unlimited funding and are ruthless in the way that they terrorize the Mexican population,” Crenshaw explained. “So there’s a lot to do there.”

He’s hoping the funding can largely be allocated through the budget reconciliation process, a means for Republicans to pass a massive conservative policy overhaul while totally sidelining Democrats.

They can do so because reconciliation brings the Senate’s passage threshold down from 60 votes to 51, provided the legislation deals with taxation, spending or the national debt.

Republicans are looking to increase funding for President Donald Trump’s border initiatives, but it’s not immediately clear what shape that will take.

The contours of that plan will become clear in the next several weeks, with lawmakers returning from a two-week recess at the end of this month.

But House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., said his full faith was in Crenshaw to execute the task force’s goals.

“Now it is the responsibility of Congress to ensure this good work can continue by providing the President with the tools he needs to dismantle the drug cartels for good,” Johnson said in a statement. “No one has worked harder on this important issue than Congressman Crenshaw, and I am grateful he is willing to continue leading at this pivotal time.”

This article originally appeared on FoxNews.com