Why We Need the RIOT Act Now

Why We Need the RIOT Act Now

immigrant riots

WATCH DAN CRENSHAW ON DISINCENTIVIZING IMMIGRANT RIOTS

The war on drugs is now a counter-insurgency war. The Mexican cartels no longer resemble their origins as criminal drug traffickers, but that of a terrorist insurgency, and we need a strategy alongside the Mexican government to win this war. 

I call this strategy the North American Security Initiative, and the stakes could not be higher. Tens of thousands of American lives depend on our success, as does the future stability of North America. The United States simply cannot allow Mexico, our neighbor and largest trading partner, to devolve into a failed narco-state. 

Cartels have infiltrated every level of Mexican society, from the private sector to government to pop culture. They use terrorist tactics to suppress dissent and destabilize governments. They have effectively conquered regions of Mexico. They enact insidious propaganda and recruitment strategies, while their paramilitary arms rival the capabilities of the Mexican government. This insurgent-like behavior necessitates a counter-insurgency doctrine.

In 2000, we began “Plan Colombia,” providing Colombians with the resources—military equipment, training, and intelligence—to defeat the enemy within. The results? Massive improvements in Colombia over the past 20 years, going from a near-failed narco-state to the relatively safe and prosperous tourist destination it is today. I can speak from personal experience, having lived in Colombia from 1998-2002 during the height of the guerilla insurgency. But modern Mexico has a far deadlier cartel problem, and their historic reluctance to accept US assistance has allowed the problem to fester. 

So, what does a counter-insurgency doctrine in Mexico look like? Put simply, it requires the integration of military, intelligence, law enforcement, judicial, and diplomatic strategies.

The Mexicans are outgunned, for starters. We (Congress) need to authorize additional Presidential Drawdown Authority to properly arm the Mexican military—Black Hawk helicopters, close air support aircraft, and ISR (Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance) capabilities, to name a few. We must develop a plan to train, at scale, Mexican special forces units and seek permissions from the Mexican government for our Special Forces to operate alongside these units, along with strong oversight to mitigate historic issues of corruption.

But this isn’t solely a military operation. There are critical judicial and law enforcement elements. Unfortunately, the Mexican judicial system is incompetent and often corrupt (though it has improved already under President Sheinbaum). This is where existing programs within Homeland, the DOJ, Treasury, and the FBI must be bolstered—we can offer training for judges, prosecutors, and police officers, as well as provide technical assistance for anti-corruption initiatives. And we must hit the cartels where it hurts the most: their pocketbook. 

Intelligence sharing is currently stronger than many realize and has led to some great success in recent months. Contrary to past Mexican administrations, the Sheinbaum national security team led by Secretary Omar Harfuch (himself a victim of an assassination attempt by the Jalisco cartel) has been relentless in their pursuit of cartel networks.

Fighting an insurgency requires network targeting, which means pursuing middle management as well as the “kingpins.” Sometimes you get more strategic benefit by arresting an irreplaceable money broker than a replaceable cartel boss. My amendment signed into law last year created long overdue changes to FISA collection capabilities, thus enabling new collection against the cartels that are just now coming to fruition. But more intelligence resources on the ground and in the air are needed. 

Fundamentally, counter-insurgency doctrine will mean the US assisting Mexican federal forces inside cartel-held territories with two basic missions: target the cartels and bolster the local and state police that are overwhelmed and outgunned. Are the local authorities often corrupt? Of course. But do they have choice? They live in the reality of “plata o plomo,” translated to “lead or money.” Fighting an insurgency means changing this dynamic. 

Whether we like it or not, we are already engaged in a counter-insurgency war against an increasingly dangerous enemy. And worse, we are currently operating without a coherent strategy.

But the good news is that we finally have an opportunity to change that. President Trump has made it clear this will be a priority. And for the first time in many years, the Mexican government is a willing partner. We must not let this opportunity go to waste.

This oped by Dan Crenshaw originally appeared in Human Events

“We’re in a Counter-Insurgency War Against the Mexican Cartels—It’s Time We Start Acting Like It”

“We’re in a Counter-Insurgency War Against the Mexican Cartels—It’s Time We Start Acting Like It”

The war on drugs is now a counter-insurgency war. The Mexican cartels no longer resemble their origins as criminal drug traffickers, but that of a terrorist insurgency, and we need a strategy alongside the Mexican government to win this war.

I call this strategy the North American Security Initiative, and the stakes could not be higher. Tens of thousands of American lives depend on our success, as does the future stability of North America. The United States simply cannot allow Mexico, our neighbor and largest trading partner, to devolve into a failed narco-state. 

Cartels have infiltrated every level of Mexican society, from the private sector to government to pop culture. They use terrorist tactics to suppress dissent and destabilize governments. They have effectively conquered regions of Mexico. They enact insidious propaganda and recruitment strategies, while their paramilitary arms rival the capabilities of the Mexican government. This insurgent-like behavior necessitates a counter-insurgency doctrine.

In 2000, we began “Plan Colombia,” providing Colombians with the resources—military equipment, training, and intelligence—to defeat the enemy within. The results? Massive improvements in Colombia over the past 20 years, going from a near-failed narco-state to the relatively safe and prosperous tourist destination it is today. I can speak from personal experience, having lived in Colombia from 1998-2002 during the height of the guerilla insurgency. But modern Mexico has a far deadlier cartel problem, and their historic reluctance to accept US assistance has allowed the problem to fester. 

So, what does a counter-insurgency doctrine in Mexico look like? Put simply, it requires the integration of military, intelligence, law enforcement, judicial, and diplomatic strategies.

The Mexicans are outgunned, for starters. We (Congress) need to authorize additional Presidential Drawdown Authority to properly arm the Mexican military—Black Hawk helicopters, close air support aircraft, and ISR (Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance) capabilities, to name a few. We must develop a plan to train, at scale, Mexican special forces units and seek permissions from the Mexican government for our Special Forces to operate alongside these units, along with strong oversight to mitigate historic issues of corruption.

But this isn’t solely a military operation. There are critical judicial and law enforcement elements. Unfortunately, the Mexican judicial system is incompetent and often corrupt (though it has improved already under President Sheinbaum). This is where existing programs within Homeland, the DOJ, Treasury, and the FBI must be bolstered—we can offer training for judges, prosecutors, and police officers, as well as provide technical assistance for anti-corruption initiatives. And we must hit the cartels where it hurts the most: their pocketbook. 

Intelligence sharing is currently stronger than many realize and has led to some great success in recent months. Contrary to past Mexican administrations, the Sheinbaum national security team led by Secretary Omar Harfuch (himself a victim of an assassination attempt by the Jalisco cartel) has been relentless in their pursuit of cartel networks.

Fighting an insurgency requires network targeting, which means pursuing middle management as well as the “kingpins.” Sometimes you get more strategic benefit by arresting an irreplaceable money broker than a replaceable cartel boss. My amendment signed into law last year created long overdue changes to FISA collection capabilities, thus enabling new collection against the cartels that are just now coming to fruition. But more intelligence resources on the ground and in the air are needed. 

Fundamentally, counter-insurgency doctrine will mean the US assisting Mexican federal forces inside cartel-held territories with two basic missions: target the cartels and bolster the local and state police that are overwhelmed and outgunned. Are the local authorities often corrupt? Of course. But do they have choice? They live in the reality of “plata o plomo,” translated to “lead or money.” Fighting an insurgency means changing this dynamic. 

Whether we like it or not, we are already engaged in a counter-insurgency war against an increasingly dangerous enemy. And worse, we are currently operating without a coherent strategy.

But the good news is that we finally have an opportunity to change that. President Trump has made it clear this will be a priority. And for the first time in many years, the Mexican government is a willing partner. We must not let this opportunity go to waste.

This op ed was originally published in Human Events Daily on June 10, 2025.

Paying Texas Back For Securing the Border

Paying Texas Back For Securing the Border

Paying Texas Back for Securing the Border
CLICK HERE TO READ MORE ABOUT HOW THE ONE BIG BEAUTIFUL BILL IS PAYING TEXAS BACK FOR SECURING THE BORDER
Another policy closer to home that I have been working on for several Congresses also made it into President Trump’s legislative package – reimbursing Texas for doing the federal government’s job of securing the border. 

For too long, Texas taxpayers have been footing the bill for securing America’s border which is supposed to be the federal government’s job. It is not fair to Texans and it allowed politicians in Washington to abdicate their responsibility to do anything about border security.  Texas state officials stepped up when the Biden administration wouldn’t even do the bare minimum. And it wasn’t cheap. Over $11 billion was spent on necessary measures that protected not only our state, but the entire country.

That’s why I introduced the State Border Security Reimbursement Act back in 2021 — to make the federal government acknowledge the massive burden an open border has put on Texas from a financial and security standpoint. It’s been a long fight, but the Texas Republican delegation is bringing home a win. Reimbursement funding is now included in President Trump’s One, Big, Beautiful Bill, and it will significantly defray the burden Texas and other border states were forced to take on.
Inside House Republicans’ new task force to battle criminal Mexican drug cartels

Inside House Republicans’ new task force to battle criminal Mexican drug cartels

CLICK HERE TO WATCH DAN CRENSHAW ON THE FIGHT AGAINST THE MEXICAN DRUG CARTELS

Successfully ridding the U.S. of the effects of Mexico’s criminal cartels operating along the southwestern border would be a 20-year ordeal, Rep. Dan Crenshaw, R-Texas, said – but argued Congress could begin having an impact in a matter of weeks to months.

“Look, there’s places we can boost right now to help the administration – the administration is refocusing a lot of efforts, especially in the [Department of Defense (DOD)], on the cartel situation, but there’s no extra money for that. That is something we could produce in reconciliation,” Crenshaw told Fox News Digital.

“I already know what programs need to be boosted, I just need to know the numbers. And that will come from [the Office of Management and Budget] that’ll come from the Department of Homeland Security, it’ll come from the DOD, it’ll come from [Department of Justice]. And so over the next couple of weeks, even while we’re in recess, we’re working on getting those numbers.”

Fox News Digital spoke with Crenshaw days after he was tapped to lead a new task force on combating Mexico’s drug cartels. It’s operating under the House permanent select committee on intelligence, which Crenshaw sits on.

He said it differs from his initiative last year, a similar task force, albeit with few resources to execute his goals, according to the congressman.

“Last year’s cartel task force didn’t have any staff. We were a series of members conducting hearings, investigations,” Crenshaw said. “I think we’re past that stage at the moment. Now, what I lead is really the House’s effort to actually create some legislation to combat the cartels.”

He added that the intelligence panel was “the right place for it” given “a lot of the work we do is classified.” 

“So the goal here is to actually get some outcomes as opposed to continuing more hearings, continuing more investigation. I’ve got a pretty good outline of what needs to happen. We’ve got President Trump in the White House now, who wants to make it happen,” Crenshaw said.

“Another huge difference between now and last year is we have a Mexican administration under President Sheinbaum, who also wants to make it happen and take the fight to the cartels.”

That fight would largely be a two-phase approach, Crenshaw explained. The first would be funding, while the second would entail “additional authorities and laws that need to be changed” to combat what the Texas congressman likened to “a terrorist insurgency” within the U.S.’ close neighbor and trading partner.

“That means boosting up certain funding lines in existing authorities, especially places like the Department of Defense. You know, NORTHCOM owns this area of operation when it comes to Canada, the U.S. and Mexico. They’re going to need extra resources because we’re going to need to do a lot more training on Mexican special forces,” he said.

Crenshaw called for sending military-grade gear to forces at the border, including Blackhawk helicopters, and bolstering reconnaissance and intelligence-gathering efforts.

“Things they really don’t have and that currently cause them to be outgunned by these pretty massive militias that have unlimited funding and are ruthless in the way that they terrorize the Mexican population,” Crenshaw explained. “So there’s a lot to do there.”

He’s hoping the funding can largely be allocated through the budget reconciliation process, a means for Republicans to pass a massive conservative policy overhaul while totally sidelining Democrats.

They can do so because reconciliation brings the Senate’s passage threshold down from 60 votes to 51, provided the legislation deals with taxation, spending or the national debt.

Republicans are looking to increase funding for President Donald Trump’s border initiatives, but it’s not immediately clear what shape that will take.

The contours of that plan will become clear in the next several weeks, with lawmakers returning from a two-week recess at the end of this month.

But House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., said his full faith was in Crenshaw to execute the task force’s goals.

“Now it is the responsibility of Congress to ensure this good work can continue by providing the President with the tools he needs to dismantle the drug cartels for good,” Johnson said in a statement. “No one has worked harder on this important issue than Congressman Crenshaw, and I am grateful he is willing to continue leading at this pivotal time.”

This article originally appeared on FoxNews.com

Fighting Back Against Activist Judges

Fighting Back Against Activist Judges

This bill will end the power of activist judges - for good

CLICK HERE TO WATCH

Right now, activist judges can shut down an entire national policy—immigration enforcement, border security, you name it. They’re using that power to block deportations and stall President Trump’s agenda before it even gets off the ground.

I don’t believe the judicial check was ever meant to be used so prolifically. It’s a necessary check, undoubtedly. There will often be disagreement between the Executive (charged to “execute” the law), and the courts. This is usually the fault of Congress for writing laws that are vague in nature. But that “check” cannot be a single unelected judge, effectively empowered with the same “execution” authority as the President. We must properly balance this important mechanism of checks and balances. 

That’s why I support the No Rogue Rulings Act. This bill reins in activist judges by stopping them from issuing broad, nationwide rulings in cases that should only apply to the people directly involved. It restores balance between the courts, Congress, and the executive branch—just like the Constitution intends.

The HALT Fentanyl Act: Increasing Criminal Penalties For Fentanyl Traffickers

The HALT Fentanyl Act: Increasing Criminal Penalties For Fentanyl Traffickers

CLICK HERE TO WATCH MY FLOOR SPEECH

This week, the House of Representatives passed the most obvious policy in the world: increasing criminal penalties for fentanyl traffickers.

There shouldn’t have even been a debate on this policy, but of course House Democrats found a way to be against this. You can watch my rebuttal to their nonsensical arguments on the House floor in the video above. 

The main argument pushed by Democrats against this bill is one we’ve heard before, claiming that permanently scheduling illicit fentanyl as a Schedule I drug will lead to “mass incarceration” for those who use fentanyl. That’s just not true.

Illicit fentanyl has been Schedule I since 2018—if their claims were true, we’d have already seen these so-called negative effects. We haven’t.

This bill doesn’t target users—it targets traffickers. The criminals lacing drugs with illicit fentanyl and killing Americans every single day. Letting temporary scheduling expire would mean weaker enforcement, weaker laws, and more lives lost.

The House did its job by increasing criminal penalties for illicit fentanyl dealers and giving law enforcement more tools to combat fentanyl trafficking. There was a bipartisan vote for this policy, but 107 Democrats still voted against it. Hopefully, the Senate will follow the House’s lead and swiftly send this commonsense policy to President Trump’s desk.

Congress is finally taking action against the cartels

Congress is finally taking action against the cartels

The Mexican drug cartels are the primary facilitators and profiteers when it comes to our border crisis. These transnational criminal organizations have operational control of our southern border and kill tens of thousands of Americans every single year with fentanyl. That’s why I have been so adamant that House Republicans take strong action to neutralize the cartels so they can no longer threaten our safety and sovereignty. 

I am proud to report that House Republicans are doing just that, by creating a new cartel task force that I will lead in Congress. This task force will be the focal point for producing legislation targeting the cartels, and we will also issue reports and educate the American public on the severity of this threat. More details regarding the cartels will be announced shortly. 

This is the biggest mission I’ve taken on since joining Congress. I need your support to accomplish it.

Here’s two ways you can do that right now:

  • Share your input on the path forward. What operations do you think the task force must implement immediately to take down the Mexican drug cartels? Click here to share your ideas.
  • Donate to my campaign. As you know from my past emails, Mexico’s President has already said he’s going to run an illegal election interference operation to unseat me in the next election because I have been outspoken against the cartels. If he wasn’t serious before, he sure will be now. Any financial support you can afford to give will help me counter his attacks and accomplish our goal of restoring American sovereignty and security. Click here to donate.

The cartel task force is only happening because supporters like you made it happen. For months, we demanded Congress take action against the cartels. Everyone who donated, signed my petitions, called their congressmen, and shared our message with their community helped me build up the pressure until it became impossible to ignore.

But that was the easy part. We are about to face off against deadly criminal organizations that have almost unlimited funding, advanced paramilitary capabilities, and a corrupt Mexican president backing them. I need your help to finish this mission. 

My legislation against the cartels is not partisan

In a closely divided Congress, opportunities for bipartisanship are rare. That’s why we should seize those opportunities whenever possible, because that’s the only way anything is going to become law in a divided government. I believe my legislation to target the cartels is an excellent opportunity for bipartisanship. Let me explain why. 

1. These bills are very simple. They are specifically focused on the threat from the Mexican drug cartels and improving our capabilities and authorities to target them. One bill authorizes the use of military force against the cartels, so that we can work by, with, and through the Mexican government (just like we do with any host government when we have military authorities in their country) to assist them with all of the military resources at our disposal (including intelligence gathering and sharing). The other bill I’ve introduced would hit the cartels where it hurts: their wallets. My legislation would seize the cartels’ assets and would also sanction and deny aid to foreign governments that coordinate with cartels or do not take the necessary action to stop cartel activity in their own countries–Mexico is an obvious example. It would also authorize increased punishment for anyone convicted of aiding cartel-related crimes by adding up to 20 years to their sentence and naturalized citizens could lose their citizenship if they are convicted. These are narrowly focused bills on an issue that both Democrats and Republicans have publicly acknowledged is a threat.

2. These bills are also not inherently partisan as they do not wade into other divisive issues. I purposefully do not address immigration reform or border security in either bill, because we are never going to bring Democrats to the table on those issues in divided government. Obviously, I believe we need to improve border security and have introduced legislation to give our Border Patrol more resources, fix the problems within our asylum laws that encourage illegal immigration, and increase penalties against those who come into our country illegally. However, with Democrats still in control of the Senate and with a Democrat president in the White House, we need bipartisan support for any legislation to become law and my top priority is getting legislation enacted that would take on the criminals killing 70,000 Americans every year with fentanyl.

3. Finally, the fentanyl crisis is one that impacts every single community and every single congressional district in this country. And there is bipartisan acknowledgement that the fentanyl crisis is being fueled by the Mexican drug cartels. The fentanyl crisis is an issue that gets national attention across the political spectrum–both Fox News and CNN run regular segments on the fentanyl crisis because it is impossible to ignore. That’s why every single time I talk about these bills I frame it in a way that describes my legislation as a solution to the root cause of the fentanyl crisis, which is the trafficking of this illicit, deadly narcotic into our country by cartels just south of our border. 

This is a common enemy that every American should want to defeat. Every policymaker, regardless of their political affiliation, should be joining legislation like mine. Stopping the Mexican drug cartels from killing Americans offers a unique opportunity for immediate bipartisan progress.

Border Patrol’s Recruitment Crisis

It’s no surprise that Border Patrol is having trouble hiring. CBP agents have to deal everyday with thousands of new migrant crossings, an administration that refuses to enforce our immigration laws, and heavily armed cartels.

But the recruitment process for CBP is also creating an unnecessary hurdle for qualified candidates by requiring a polygraph examination. The bill I re-introduced this week would eliminate that requirement for some candidates with law enforcement or military credentials.

Polygraph tests are notoriously unreliable and easy to manipulate. Beyond serving as an interrogation tool for intelligence officers when vetting an asset, they have almost no useful purpose. They aren’t useful legally and get thrown out as evidence in court all the time. Overly aggressive and unaccountable polygraph testers are causing failure rates of around 50% according to the National Border Patrol Council.

To be honest, polygraph testing should be eliminated for all CBP applicants. Hopefully with Pelosi’s iron fist no longer controlling Congress, we can get enough bipartisan support to at least end the polygraph requirement for law enforcement and military credentialed applicants. If your congressman is a Democrat, please call their office and demand they support this bill.

Read more about my bill at FoxNews.com

Crenshaw, Waltz introduce joint resolution to give Biden military authority to combat cartels

Deadly cartels are at war with us, importing people & fentanyl into the U.S. every day.

My legislation with Mike Waltz will allow us to fight back by authorizing the use of military force against the cartels. Enough is enough.

This is not partisan, and we ask Democrats join us.

See below or click here to read the full article from Fox News

FIRST ON FOX: Two Republican lawmakers introduced a joint resolution to give President Biden the military authority to combat transnational cartels smuggling fentanyl into the U.S.

Reps. Dan Crenshaw, R-Texas, and Michael Waltz, R-Fla., introduced a joint resolution authorizing Biden to use military force to combat the cartels pumping fentanyl and other similar, dangerous substances across the border.

Crenshaw, the architect of the bill last Congress, told Fox News Digital that the cartels “are responsible for about 360,000 homicides this year in Mexico” and that they are “militaristic in nature,” mirroring “an all-out civil war” in many cases.

The Texas Republican also said the “same level of cooperation” America saw with the Colombian government under former President Clinton isn’t being mirrored by Mexico “to the extent it needs to” and that the big difference between that situation and today’s is the fentanyl factor.

“What we’ve been dealing with for a while now, and nobody wants to talk about it too much, is a potentially failed narcoterrorist state at our border,” Crenshaw told Fox News Digital in a Wednesday phone call.

“And when you have 80,000 Americans a year dying from fentanyl overdose, oftentimes not even knowing they were taking fentanyl, that to me is active hostilities against the American people,” the congressman continued.

Crenshaw said he did not believe the Mexican government’s “claim that the son of El Chapo’s arrest was not related to [President] Biden’s visit” and that the U.S. needs “to pressure them to do more.”

“They can do more. Under President Trump, they were shown that they would do more if we leverage them,” Crenshaw said. “And this is some pretty serious leverage.”

The congressman also said that the joint resolution “is not some messaging bill” and is “a very serious conversation about what needs to be done to address this threat.” 

The Texas congressman also noted that he previously introduced the Declaring War Against Cartels Act last Congress and that the Mexican government “used to play ball a lot more, and they’ve done it a lot less.

Crenshaw said the Mexican government “is fairly transactional and fairly prone to leverage” and said the joint resolution is “leverage,” adding the U.S. is “done having nice conversations where we all shake hands at the end and put our different flags behind us.”

“We are really, really serious about this. You guys have threats within your country that are becoming serious threats to our country, killing tens of thousands of Americans a year. And we need to address it. So it’s a carrot and a stick. We want to help them, but we need that strong language in there, too.”

Crenshaw said that his GOP colleagues in the House are showing interest in the resolution and quipped that his “message to Democrats” is he’s “giving the Democrat president authority to look good for the American people.”

“Why don’t you take me up on that? How about that? Because this is a problem that faces every American. This is not partisan,” Crenshaw said. “You know, this is not a partisan bill. This is a strong national security bill.”

Waltz told Fox News Digital that the resolution is needed because the cartels “have exceeded the capability of law enforcement” and are a “paramilitary arm armed with armored vehicles, heavy weapons, and billions at their disposal.”

“And we’ve even seen collaboration with international terrorist groups and the Chinese Communist Party with these groups,” Waltz said in a Wednesday phone interview. “So, we believe that we need to start using military assets to address this national security threat.”

“That does not have to mean troops on the ground,” the Florida Republican continued. “That can be cyber, that can be drones, that can be military surveillance assets, space assets, you name it.”

“But we have to start disrupting them, dismantling them, and targeting their leaders,” he added.

Waltz pointed to the U.S.’s “tremendous success” with Plan Colombia under former President Clinton and America needs to look at the issue of cartels as a national security issue, not a law enforcement issue.

The Florida Republican also said that he and Crenshaw want to begin offering the Mexican government “assets and offering them help” and that “cooperation with the United States” is necessary “to defeat” the cartels.

“But obviously, the Biden administration is going to have to take this on board and the Obrador administration is going to take it on board,” Waltz said. “I don’t want to wait until we have… even more casualties than we already have. I want to start pushing this effort while we have a Republican-led Congress and as we’re heading into 2024.”

Waltz said the “cartels have declared war against us” and that “it’s time to hit back.”

Crenshaw initially drafted the resolution last Congress and is introducing the legislation with Waltz as the Republican-controlled 118th Congress kicks off.

The military authorization would give Biden the authority to go after nine cartels — including the influential Jalisco New Generation and Sinaloa cartels — engaging in fentanyl trafficking and the trafficking of related substances, and are destabilizing the Western hemisphere.

The bill also includes a sunset clause of five years, requiring a revisitation to the situation after the time period expires. Waltz said the sunset clause was responsive to the previous military force authorizations that led to “20-something-long years” of military action.